As a youngster, I had no soul-searching to do in enlisting in the Marines in face of a clear enemy attack. I wonder, however, what youth are thinking now as Bush is openly defying traditional strategy of last resort by espousing a pre-emptive strike against Iraq. Fortunately for the president, he does not have a military draft to worry about — otherwise, and contrary to the polls, there would be mass demonstrations. If there were a draft — for everyone — I trust the polls would be dramatically opposed to Bush’s curious obsession and the politicians would not be wringing their hands over the resolution that is inevitably going to pass because it will not affect them personally by having to deal with a spouse concerned for her eighteen year-old about to enter college. This is precisely why Nixon, wracked by such demonstrations, ended the draft for future presidents’ aggressive tendencies.

When I was still in my early twenties, at the outset of the Korean “police action”, I considered re-entering the Marines until and having some knowledge in my brain, thanks to the G.I. Bill, I began to read about the political turmoil In South Korea owing to the virtual fascist rule of Syngman Rhee of whose many henchman had been voted out of power. Questions arose as to who in reality crossed the border first. Many at the time believed Rhee provoked North Korea so he could remain in power. I had no qualms since the political scenario was murky and motives questionable, and thus remained in college. Though it is politically incorrect, as it was in questioning Truman whom I admired, I question Bush’s actions. Where is Colin Powell mimicking Adlai Stevenson in the U.N.? He has no facts only conjecture. As for the violations of the U.N. resolutions — what else is new? Had the coalition of 1990 been serious, a sizable troop contingency would have swept the country for the purpose of disarmament of the enemy. Instead they opted for a lolly-pop mandate that gave false security to Hussein: if you don’t go all the way you don’t have the guts to conquer. Now that Bush has the guts of a volunteer standing army, he wants to conquer, but why, especially when we have unfinished business with Al-Qaeda?” The “mass-destruction” and “removal of power” syndrome is a matter for the world, not one nation; otherwise we open Pandora’s Box to our own empire building or at least all nations must think like us.

In 1964, Johnson debased the memory of JFK by rescinding the order of withdrawing 1,000 advisors and counteracting with sending in 27,000 more. And worse, he trumped up the Gulf of Tonkin resolution by claiming paltry gunboats fired on mighty U.S. ships that were actually engaged in surveillance within North Vietnam waters. Result: 6 million Vietnamese and 58,000 American lives. When will we ever transpose — after his lesson of the Bay of Pigs — JFK’s condition in Vietnam: we can help other nations only in that they prove a willingness to help themselves.

The current political stretch to invade Iraq is that if FDR had mustered courage to stop Hitler in 1938 in the midst of a disastrous depression, WWII would have been less horrendous — on the contrary, acting unilaterally at that stage of U.S. weakness, Hitler would have whipped our ass. That’s tantamount to saying that if King George III had not been a mental case there would have been no United States. Or the police action in Korea put an end to the domino theory in Southeast Asia and left the door open to the Islamic sphere of influence. The point is no one is in a position to forecast probabilities and consequences.

 Had FDR forged a coalition the result would have indeed been different. And that is precisely the point today: acting unilaterally is dangerous, even though there is no question to the immediate outcome of a war with Iraq. The aftermath is a different story: what are we, without help, to do with the Turkish minority, fractious Kurdistan, and Shiite rebels? There are Muslims and there are Muslims: Iraqi Muslims are not Kosovar Muslims, you know. Moreover, we can barely handle the opposition and resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, let alone the tragic mess in Palestine. And what of the war with terrorism? Will Al-Qaeda be sitting on their hands while all this is going on?

A Unifying Principle — Now More Than Ever

The broader tax base of a county or region extends greater resources to public schools than a localized community school. The purchasing power of a broad region from paper clips to construction of schools is greater, leading to lower bidding. It is more affordable to maintain a core of curriculum facilitators, school psychologist, medical doctors and nurses to be spread throughout a county when needed than it is for a small village school. Even more important is that a wide regional district diminishes inequality rampant in local schools. The ability to offset lack of wealth in impoverished districts is eased.

In the 60s and 70s — despite corrective history already in the curriculum — “community” or “neighborhood” schools was the rage in urban districts that led to the further deterioration of these schools, with few exceptions, for lack of expertise and standardized curricula. Localization breeds cultural and ethnic myopia running contrary to the enhancement of state and national, social values aimed to unite the myriad of subcultures under the umbrella of common interests. At a time when unity of purpose is paramount, today the trend is for charter schools and vouchers focusing on cultural, religious and ethnic predilections.

Tribal idiocy concerning education under the guise of research is dangerous in face of the global madness bereft of unifying aims toward a more tranquil common good for all peoples.

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